Pedagogy

Writings of Destruction and Reconstruction in the Polish-Jewish Diaspora: The Case of Yankev (Jacob) Pat, Yiddish Author, Educator and Activist

Constance Pâris de Bollardière

INTRODUCTION

The sub­mit­ted arti­cle is an updat­ed and revised ver­sion of a chap­ter pub­lished in French in Pre­miers savoirs de la Shoah, ed. Judith Lin­den­berg (Paris: CNRS Edi­tions, 2017, 275 – 291) 1 1 The orig­i­nal arti­cle was trans­lat­ed from the French by Alexan­dra Beraldin. I wish to thank Male­na Chin­s­ki and the review­ers and edi­tors of In geveb for their valu­able com­ments on this new ver­sion of the arti­cle. My warmest thanks also go to Bernard Flam for his assis­tance in find­ing pho­tographs of Yankev Pat in France. . CNRS Edi­tions have gen­er­ous­ly allowed me to pub­lish it in English. 

Note from the Edi­tors: We wel­come your sub­mis­sions that enable us to become a repos­i­to­ry of ref­er­ence resources (like this one) for Yid­dish stud­ies schol­ars and teach­ers. Please send such sub­mis­sions to pedagogy@​ingeveb.​org.

In March 1948, Polish Jewish literary figures Shmerke Kaczerginski, Chaim Grade, Yoysef Rubinshteyn, and Nokhum Bomze, then temporarily residing in Paris, contacted their colleague Yankev Pat in New York, for help. “As a writer” who was “connected with the young Yiddish literature in Poland, and as a man, who [was] interested until today in the surviving writers,” Pat would, they felt, understand very well the substance of their request for assistance. 2 2 Shmerke Kaczerginski, Chaim Grade, Yoysef Rubinshteyn and Nokhum Bomze to Yankev Pat, 4 March 1948, Jewish Labor Committee Archives, New York University, Tamiment Library, Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, Part II, WAG.025.002 (henceforth JLC II), box 83, file 10. As these four authors hinted at in their letter, Pat, himself a Yiddish writer from Poland, had been serving as the executive-secretary of the Jewish Labor Committee (JLC) since 1941, a position which put him at the head of the social, political, and cultural aid projects which the organization provided to the non-Communist Yiddish world as well as to Socialists in Europe. He was uniquely well positioned to aid Yiddish writers in need of refuge.

This article serves as a biographical and bibliographical reference text to introduce readers to Pat’s life and career, with a focus on the early postwar years. It explores Pat’s dual position, demonstrated in the above example, as both a Yiddish writer and an activist supporting the social, cultural, and political life that surrounded and enabled Yiddish creativity. Pat serves as an exemplar of a wider phenomenon – he is among those Yiddish literary figures whose artistic production was inseparable from a larger communal commitment. These two facets of his life were interconnected and nourished one another.

Pat furthermore serves as a single case study that touches upon many aspects of what literary scholar Judith Lindenberg refers to as “writings of destruction” — a wide range of written works, literary, documentary, and scientific, from poetry and prose fiction to testimony and historical works about the khurbn (the genocide of the Jews in Europe). 3 3 See this definition in Judith Lindenberg, “Introduction” in Premiers savoirs de la Shoah, ed. idem (Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2017), 10-11. On the term “Literature of Destruction”, used in a larger context, see the noted work edited by David Roskies, Literature of Destruction: Jewish Responses to Catastrophe (Philadelphia/New York/Jerusalem: Jewish Publication Society, 1989). As Lindenberg argues, a complete study of such texts requires examination not only of their textual content, but also of the actions that led to their production. 4 4 Lindenberg, Premiers savoirs de la Shoah, 13-14. As this article will demonstrate, Yankev Pat was involved in writings of destruction in an all-encompassing way: as an author, Pat produced literature as well as documentary and scientific works; as an activist, he supported the works of other authors, and was also involved in the larger social, political, and cultural context in which they were produced. It is therefore my contention that Pat’s specific profile, especially his activism on behalf of the JLC, demonstrates the interconnection between the writings of destruction and the reconstruction of Jewish life after the war.

This article also demonstrates how Pat’s postwar work was grounded in prewar concerns and practices. To fully understand the origins of Pat’s postwar publications and activities, it is indeed necessary to present how this Yiddish cultural figure navigated between dual literary and socio-political commitments, with a constant focus on education, and how he pursued these commitments and adapted them after the Holocaust.

A Polish Bundist Cultural Activist,Yiddish Educator, and Writer

Yankev Pat’s formative years are similar in many ways to those of many other Polish and Russian socialist Jews of his generation. Born in Bialystok in 1890 into a traditional Jewish family of modest means, he abandoned, on the eve of the 1905 Russian Revolution, the religious upbringing he was receiving in the yeshives of Slobodke and Slutsk. He then worked for a limited time as a manual worker, continued studying independently, and became a Hebrew teacher. His pedagogical experience began in Bialystok in 1915, where he participated in the creation of the first Yiddish school and became one of its teachers and administrators. According to the biographical information compiled by Emanuel Sherer in Doyres bundistn (Generations of Bundists), Pat was sent several times to Tsarist prisons for his early political activity. 5 5 The biographical elements on his prewar period come from the notes by Zalmen Reyzn in Leksikon fun der yidisher literatur, prese un filologye (Vilnius: Vilner Farlag fun N. Kletskin), vol. 2, 1927; Khayim Leyb Fuks in E. Oyerbakh, Y. Kharlash, M. Shtarkman, et al, eds., Leksikon fun der nayer yidisher literatur, Leksikon fun der nayer yidisher literatur, New York, CYCO/Congress for Jewish Culture, 1968, vol. 7, 69-74; Emanuel Sherer, in Y. S. Herts, ed., Doyres bundistn, New York, Undzer tsayt, 1968, vol. 3, 61-65; Moshe Mishkinsky in Encyclopedia Judaica, eds. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, vol. 15, 2nd edition, 2007, 685 as well as from the biography written by his son Emanuel Pat (Patt), In gerangl. Yankev Pat un zayn dor (New York: Yankev Pat Familye Fond, 1971).

Pat’s first political involvements were in the Territorialist Zionist-Socialist Workers’ Party, for which he deployed his talents as an orator in many Polish villages; and, for a short time, the United Jewish Socialist Workers’ Party (Fareynikte), which he represented in the kehile of Bialystok in 1918. After World War I, Pat settled for a short time in Vilna, where he pursued his activities within secular Yiddish education. It was there that he became deputy to the founding congress of TSYSHO (Tsentrale yidishe shul-organizatsye - Central Yiddish School Organization) in 1921. Still in Vilna, he eventually joined the ranks of the Bund in 1920, as one among those “prominent kultur tuers (cultural activists) who moved to the Bund from other parties” and came to play important roles in connecting with other political groups within the frame of the secular and leftist TSYSHO schools. 6 6 Yuu Nishimura, “On the cultural front: the Bund and the Yiddish secular school movement in interwar Poland,” East European Jewish Affairs, 43/3, 2013, 268-271. His openness to non-Socialist spheres within the context of the TSYSHO did not, however, prevent him from appealing, in 1929, to the leaders of the YIVO (Yidisher visnshaftlekher institute – Yiddish Scientific Institute) to politicize their scholarship, and from claiming that the “institute’s guiding principle should be ‘the shkhine (divine light) of socialism’”. 7 7 “Alveltlekher tsuzamenfor funem yidishn visnshaftlekhn institut in Vilne,” RG 82, folder 2261, p. 121, quoted by Cecile Esther Kuznitz, YIVO and the Making of Modern Jewish Culture: Scholarship for the Yiddish Nation (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 148. Pat was also one of the contributors of the “radical left” to the political debates of the Yiddish literary journal Globus, published in Warsaw in 1932-1934 by Arn Zeitlin. See Nathan Cohen, “Globus,” Yivo Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe, https://yivoencyclopedia.org/article.aspx/Globus (accessed February 20th, 2024).

In 1922, Pat moved to Warsaw, where he remained for most of his prewar adult life, and continued his dual political and pedagogical activism. He was a member of the central committee of the Bund for a few years and represented the party in the Warsaw kehile. If he initially became a Bundist with leftist leanings, he later moved to the center and finally the right wing of the party. His views were developed in his numerous articles for the daily Bundist newspaper the Folkstsaytung (People’s Newspaper) as well as in other journals of different political affiliations. Pat also reached high positions in Yiddish cultural and educational institutions and publications. He edited the Bundist newspaper’s children section, the Kleyne folkstsaytung (Small People’s Newspaper), and from 1926 to 1938 the cultural and educational section of the Folkstsaytung. He was appointed first chairman of the SKIF (Sotsyalistisher kinder-farband – Socialist Children’s Union), acted for some time as secretary of the TSYSHO, directed its publication Shul un lebn (School and Life) and published a variety of works for or about children, from literature and Yiddish textbooks to the scenario of Aleksander Ford’s 1936 movie on the Medem sanatorium, Mir kumen on. 8 8 Among the textbooks is Leyenen un shraybn far kleyninke kinder (Warsaw: Kultur-lige, 1923). On Pat as co-author, with Wanda Wasilewska, of the scenario of Mir kumen on, see Patt, In gerangl, 280-283. On Pat as chairman of the SKIF, see Jack Jacobs, Bundist Counterculture in Interwar Poland (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2009), 40. On Pat’s role in the Bund and TSYSHO in prewar Poland, see also Gertrud Pickhan, “Gegen den Strom”. Der Allgemeine jüdische Arbeiterbund “Bund” in Polen 1918—1939 (Munich: DVA, 2001). A short video of Pat’s visit of a TOZ (Society for Safeguarding the Health of the Jewish Population) summer camp near Vilna in 1935 with Yiddish writer Avrom Reyzen, and recorded by the American Jewish travel agent Gustave Eisner, is available on the YIVO website yivoencyclopedia.org/search.aspx?query=pat (accessed February 20th, 2024). See Miriam Udel, “The Second Soul of the People: Secular Sabbatism in Yiddish Children’s Literature,” Jewish Social Studies 21, no. 2 (2016): 78-104.

In addition to his political, pedagogical, and journalistic activities (often under the pseudonym of Y. Vilner), Pat was an author for both adults and children. His literary output reflected his concern for political and intergenerational transmission as well as his rootedness in Polish Jewish culture. His first publications for young people were written in Hebrew, but the emerging author quickly began writing in his mother tongue, which, with the exception of several journalistic articles written in English during and after the war, remained his main, almost exclusive, writing language. Yankev Pat wrote literature in different genres, including folk tales, travelogues, theatrical plays, novels, and life stories, many of which were published in the Yiddish press before being reprinted in books or brochures. 9 9 His literary works and news articles were thoroughly catalogued by his son Emanuel Patt in In gerangl, 509-629. Some of his prewar literature was clearly influenced by Bundist politics. Such pieces include his biography, written at a child’s reading level, of the Bundist leader and educator Beynish Mikhaleyvitsh (1876-1928), 10 10Iber nakht groy gevorn: an epizod fun BeynishMikhaleyvitshes lebn (Vilnius: Naye yidishe folksshul, 1929). In New York in 1941, Pat published a second biography of Mikhaleyvitsh: Beynish Mikhaleyvitsh. A byografye (New York: Kinder ring, 1941). his accounts resulting from his 1925-travel in Erets-Yisroel, and his late 1920s trilogy of short stories on past and contemporary Bundist activists: Bundistn (Bundists), Oyf kidesh hashem (As a Martyr) and Oyf di vegn fun baginen (On the Ways of Dawn). 11 11 His trilogy about Bundists was published in Warsaw in 1926, 1929 and 1935 by the publishing houses Kultur-lige and Di velt. This trilogy was based on written and oral material drawn from regular activists during Pat’s travels throughout hundreds of towns and villages of Poland, where he “collected” (gezamlt) “the motives, the tones, the half legends, the disappeared shadows and shapes”. 12 12 Pat, foreword to Bundistn (Warsaw: Kultur lige, 1926). As a result, Bundistn is, according to the Bundist Noah Portnoy in his foreword, “not a historical (historish) work in the strict sense of the word. But this is a piece of history (geshikhte) told in an interesting and lively way”. 13 13 Foreword by Noah Portnoy, Bundistn, 5. Recalling the way that YIVO zamlers (collectors) were documenting popular Jewish life, Bundistn outlines the profiles of many anonymous Bundists, “unknown soldiers” (umbakante zelner) of the party and men of the people, whose stories he wanted to unearth and make accessible to adults and children. 14 14 Foreword by Noyekh Portnoy, Bundistn (Warsaw: Kultur lige, 1926), 5. The third volume of the trilogy, published in 1935, focuses on the illegal Bundist journal Di arbeter-shtime in Tsarist Russia and is also based on research in the archives of the Bund then located in Geneva. About the practice of zamlung, see Cecile Eesther Kuznitz, YIVO and the Making of Modern Jewish Culture: Scholarship for the Yiddish Nation (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 72-80. His readership and audience could likewise go beyond socialist circles. For instance, one of his theater plays, In goldenem land (In a Golden Land), whose central theme was the end of the old shtetl (small town) and the quest for modern Jewishness (which included a critique of Zionism), was performed in 1926 at the Yiddish Artistic Theater of Warsaw, under the direction of Zygmunt Turkow, with sets from painter Mané-Katz.15 His literary work for children also extended beyond the political sphere and is largely made up of tales inspired by the Bible, traditional Jewish life in Poland, works written by Russian contemporary authors, and traditional tales like those from the Brothers Grimm or Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe. 15 15 For example: Biblishe mayselekh (Bible Stories) (Bialystok: Dos bukh, 1919-1920). Traditional folktales for children were also published in short stories series by A. Gitlin from Warsaw in 1921 and 1922, such as Yulik, der vunderlekher leyb (Yulik, the Marvelous Lion), Der shames un der noged (The Beedle and the Powerful Man) or the compilation of tales in Far di kleyne kindersvegn (For Little Children). Coming from this last volume, Yankev Pat’s story “Reyzele,” was translated, introduced and published online in Hebrew by Maya Vaynshtok in February 2022, רײזעלע - איבערזעץ (iberzets.org). His story for children “The Magic Lion” was also published recently in an English version in Honey on the Page. A Treasury of Yiddish Children’s Literature, edited and translated by Miriam Udel (New York: New York University Press, 2020).

An American Yiddish Cultural Activist, Between Memory and Reconstruction

Pat was sent three times to America in order to raise funds for the financially struggling TSYSHO schools in Poland. He did not come back from his last mission of 1938 and remained in New York City following the outbreak of World War II. His wife Rivke Pat, who was a Bundist and TSYSHO teacher in Warsaw, was killed in Vilna during the Holocaust. Transferring his activism to American soil, Pat joined several organizations that belonged to the trend that historian Frank Wolff calls “secondary Bundism”, meaning of Yiddish socialist orientation and close to Bundist ideas and circles, but adapted to the American context and without following the strict Bund’s political agenda grounded in European realities. 16 16 Frank Wolff, Yiddish Revolutionaries in Migration: The Transnational History of the Jewish Labor Bund (Leiden: Brill, 2021). In 1941, Pat became secretary-general of the Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), a position he held until 1963. Founded in New York in 1934 in reaction to Hitler’s rise to power, the JLC was an umbrella organization of the non-Communist American Jewish labor movement, deeply grounded in secondary Bundism. Its founders and main leaders, such as its first president Baruch Charney Vladeck and its treasurer David Dubinsky, were Bundists who had migrated to the United States from Tsarist Russia following the Revolution of 1905. During the war, the JLC led a large rescue operation of European Socialist figures and supported Socialist resistance movements. Its relief action for Jewish survivors and the remains of the Socialist labor movement was launched after the liberation of Europe. 17 17 On the creation of the JLC and its actions during the war, see Catherine Collomp, Rescue, Relief and Resistance: The Jewish Labor Committee’s Anti-Nazi Operations, 1934-1945 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2021) and Gail Malmgreen, “Labor and the Holocaust: The Jewish Labor Committee and the Anti-Nazi Struggle,” Labor’s Heritage 4, no. 3 (1991): 20-35. On Pat’s actions for the JLC, see Collomp, Rescue, Relief, and Resistance, and Constance Pâris de Bollardière, “‘La pérennité de notre peuple’: Une aide socialiste juive américaine dans la diaspora yiddish, le Jewish Labor Committee en France (1944-1948)” (‘The Everlastingness of Our People’: An American Jewish Socialist Aid in the Yiddish Diaspora, the Jewish Labor Committee in Postwar France, 1944-1948”), PhD dissertation, EHESS, 2017. While the founders of the JLC had been integrated into New York’s Yiddish political and cultural life for several decades, Yankev Pat, who had just arrived from Poland, eased the establishment of the JLC’s ties with Holocaust survivors, especially within the Polish Yiddish-speaking world.

In addition to the JLC, Pat’s involvement in American Yiddish associations and educational projects included the Arbeter-ring (Workmen’s Circle), a mutual-aid and cultural organization of socialist orientation and influenced by secondary Bundism which, among other activities, offered Yiddish classes to children. His political activism began to take new forms. Although he remained loyal to the Socialist, anti-Communist and Yiddishist ideas of the Bund, and supported the reconstruction of Bundist groups in postwar Europe, Pat did not belong to its World Coordinating Committee (the federating body of worldwide Bundist sections created in 1947) and left the American Representation of the Bund (created in 1939), both led by recently arrived Polish Bundist refugees, which he considered too closed in on themselves and too hostile towards Zionism. 18 18 On Pat and the Bund’s World Coordinating Committee after the war, see Daniel Blatman, For Our Freedom and Yours: The Jewish Labour Bund in Poland, 1939-1949 (London/Portland: Vallentine Mitchell, 2003), 198; David Slucki, The International Jewish Labor Bund after 1945: Toward a Global History (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2012), 22-23, and Sherer, “Yankev Pat.” His relief activities for the JLC led him, however, to cooperate occasionally with these organizations, which were located in the same building — but not the same floor -— as the JLC, in the famous Forverts building of 175 East Broadway. Distancing himself from the American Bundist journal Undzer tsayt (Our Time), 19 19 The biographical dictionary of Bundists Doyres bundistn, published by the American Bund, does however contain a note on Yankev Pat in the third volume published in 1968. he joined the editorial team of the literary and intellectual American journal of socialist and pro-Yiddish orientation Di tsukunft (The Future) and published numerous articles in other Yiddish journals, mostly in the United States, France, Argentina, Mexico, and Israel.

As an activist and writer dedicated to Yiddish and issues of transmission, Pat was deeply involved in the future of this culture after the Holocaust. All his postwar actions connected the reconstruction of Jewish life and Yiddish culture with the memory of the genocide and prewar Jewish life. Pat particularly expressed his dedication to Yiddish culture after the Holocaust through his involvement as one of the initiators of the Alveltlekher yidisher kultur-kongres (World Congress for Jewish Culture, henceforth Kultur-kongres). 20 20 Tributes to Pat’s activism are visible in the 7th volume of the Leksikon fun der nayer yidisher literatur (Biographical Dictionary of the New Yiddish Literature), published in 1968 by the Kultur-kongres, as well as, in 2010, through the “Jacob Pat Memorial Lecture” of the Harvard College Library. Inaugurated in New York in September 1948, the Kultur-kongres was a transnational cultural structure created to unite secular non-Communist Yiddish organizations in order to collectively support their minority culture worldwide. The Kultur-kongres faced “opposing imperatives,” as highlighted by scholar Anita Norich: “to mourn and commemorate even as they tried to imagine the future”. 21 21 Anita Norich, Discovering Exile: Yiddish and Jewish American Culture during the Holocaust (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007), 109. On the beginning of the Kultur-kongres, see Rachel Rojanski, “The Final Chapter in the Struggle for Cultural Autonomy: Palestine, Israel and Yiddish Writers in the Diaspora, 1946-1951,” Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 6, no. 2 (2007): 185-204 and Constance Pâris de Bollardière, “The Jewish Labor Committee’s support of Yiddish culture in early post-Holocaust France, 1945-1948”, Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 20, no. 2 (2021), 196-221. Indeed, the resolution leading to its creation included such goals:

Affirm through actions the continuity of Yiddish cultural creation […], bring more hope and encouragement to all of our people […], reinforce hope in the survival of our people, create national memorials for the authors, poets, artists, historians – all the exterminated people of Jewish culture, commemorate for generations the martyrdom and courage during the Nazi war against the Jewish people […], create a library of remembrance. 22 22 “Resolution concerning a World Congress for Yiddish Culture,” document from the JLC National Convention, 2 September 1947, JLC I, box 2, file 14.

When talking about a “library of remembrance,” Pat was referring among other things to the publications of “writings of destruction”, works that were dear to him both as a writer and as the head of the memorial section of the Kultur-kongres. One of the transnational organization’s first projects was to support the publication of the anthology of songs from the ghettos and the camps, Lider fun di getos un lagern (Songs of the Ghettos and Camps), compiled by Shmerke Kaczerginski, who was residing in Paris at the time. 23 23Lider fun di getos un lagern (New York: CYCO, 1948). Minutes from the Congress for Jewish Culture, Congress for Jewish Culture Archives, New York, 25 July 1947. These archives were accessed at the headquarters and are now at YIVO. I would like to extend my thanks to Bernard Flam and Shane Baker for giving me access to these archives. As for the reinforcement of “hope in the survival” of the Jewish people, this materialized in the Kultur-kongres’ efforts to maintain, promote, and transmit Yiddish language and culture, in its political activities towards the defense of the Yiddish language in Israel, and in protests against the oppression of Jewish culture in the USSR. 24 24 On the Kultur-kongres and Israel, see Rojanski, “The Final Chapter.” The JLC, which followed the same anti-Communist political line, applied it within its own labor circles and Socialist agenda. With leading roles in the two organizations, Pat was active on several fronts. While the Kultur-kongres provided cultural guidance and content, the JLC’s task was to send material relief for the reconstruction of Jewish life, based on fundraising in secular Jewish circles and American labor unions. Within this frame, the JLC supported, on its own level, Yiddish culture materially and financially in Europe and Israel. 25 25 Pâris de Bollardière, “The Jewish Labor Committee and the Reconstruction of Yiddish Culture.” Yankev Pat, as executive secretary, was directly responsible for this JLC cultural action.In continuity with his prewar and wartime works, and in line with his postwar agenda combining memory and reconstruction, Pat devoted much of his literary creativity and his political and cultural activism to supporting the writings of destruction.

An Author of Polish-Jewish Writings of Destruction

As emphasized by literary scholar Jan Schwarz, the Yiddish world in the postwar period was heavily entrenched in a “culture of remembrance”. 26 26 “Culture of Remembrance,” Jan Schwarz, Survivors and Exiles: Yiddish Culture after the Holocaust (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2015), viii. This evolution can be found in Pat’s literary work since the time of the war, with three of his last six books being about the destruction of Polish Jews. As we shall now see, Pat’s writings of destruction, which are at the crossroads of different literary genres, of archival documentation, and of oral history, reflect a larger trend of these cultural productions in the Polish-Jewish world, and enable us to grasp many of their characteristics and the challenges they faced.

Two of his books, Ash un fayer: Iber di khurves fun Poyln (Ash and Fire: Through the Ruins of Poland, 1947) and Henekh: A yidish kind vos iz aroys fun geto (Henekh: A Jewish Child who Left the Ghetto,1948), were published following a two-month trip to Poland that Pat undertook in winter 1946 at the behest of the JLC to investigate how the American organization could participate to the reconstruction of Jewish life. 27 27 Yankev Pat, Ash un fayer: iber di khurves fun Poyln (New York : CYCO, 1946) ; Yankev Pat, Henekh, a yidish kind vos iz aroys fun geto (Buenos Aires: Tsentral-farband fun poylishe yidn in Argentine, book series “Dos poylishe yidntum”, vol. 29, 1948). In Ash un fayer, 28 28 Yankev Pat, Ash un fayer: iber di khurves fun Poyln (Ash and Fire: Across the Ruins of Poland) (New York: CYCO, 1946). Pat relates his visits to former killing centers and his encounters with Holocaust survivors in different Polish cities, including Warsaw and Bialystok where he used to live before the war. He describes the fate of the Jews during the war as well as their efforts to rebuild from the ruins. As underlined by scholar Robert L. Cohn in his analysis of three travelogues of American-Polish Jews in immediate postwar Poland, Pat’s Ash un fayer “focuses on recounting wartime and postwar stories of the ‘thousands of individual Jews’ whom he meets along the way”. 29 29 Robert L. Cohn, “Early Postwar Travelers on the Future of Jewish Life in Poland, The Polish Review 53, no. 3 (2008): 317-340, here 331. On Ash un fayer, also see David Cesarani, “Introduction,” in After the Holocaust. Challenging the Myth of Silence, ed. David Cesarani and Eric J. Sundquist (New York/London: Routledge, 2012), 25, Michael Meng, “Traveling to Germany and Poland: Toward a Textual Montage of Jewish Emotions after the Holocaust,” in Jewish Histories of the Holocaust: New Transnational Approaches, ed. Norman J. W. Goda (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2014), 266-281, David Engel, “The End of a Jewish Metropolis? The Ambivalence of Reconstruction in the Aftermath of the Holocaust,” in Warsaw. The Jewish Metropolis. Essaysin Honor of the 75th Birthday of Professor Antony Polonsky (Leiden/Botson: Brill, 2015), 562-569, Leah Wolfson, Jewish Responses toPersecution, 1944-1946 (Lanham/Washington CD: Rowman & Littelfied/USHMM, 2015), 244, Avinoam J. Patt, The Jewish Heroes of Warsaw: The Afterlife of the Revolt (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2021), 350-358, and Kamil Kijek, “Only Ashes? Jewish Visitors to the New Poland in 1946 and the Future of Polish Jewry,” Journal of Modern European History 20, no.1: 111-126. Among these stories, Pat thus tells about the activities of the workers of the Central Jewish Historical Commission such as Nella Rost, Michel Borwicz, Joseph Wulf, Ada Eber, Shmerke Kaczerginski, Mendel Mann, and Philip Friedman, and presents the content of some of their publications. By sharing the work he witnessed in the Commission in his own literature of destruction, Pat thus also documents writings of destruction, here in their historical scientific component, in the making: 30 30Ash un fayer, 76-82.

From a number of these pictures the Commission has compiled a picture book entitled “The Destruction of Polish Jewry,” the most valuable book of the kind published to date. The first twenty-nine pictures describe the manhunts on Jews during the opening phase of the German occupation – the pogroms, the firing of synagogues, the beating and the mocking of old Jews, the plucking of their beards, the yellow badges, the posters calling for Jewish blood. The next sixty-seven pictures illustrate Ghetto life in a dozen Polish cities – child starvation, slave labor, the pillaging of Jewish property, hunger, cold, nakedness and finally, the burning of the Ghettoes. […] I put the book down and turn to another shelf which contains the writings, memoirs and diaries of Jews who were killed, and some who escaped. The diaries are yellowed and stained; they were dug up from underground bunkers. 31 31 English translation of Ash un fayer, by Leo Steinberg, Ashes and Fire (New York: International Universities Press, 1947) 64.

The 392 pages of Ash un fayer contain many photographs of persecution and destruction, as well as quoted words of survivors, and war songs which he collected and noted during his trip, adding a polyphonic documentary-style approach to his travelogue. 32 32 Alongside these notes and documents, quotes from traditional folk tales, Yiddish literature and the Tanakh remind of Pat’s prewar diverse literary interests. The book for instance begins with “Dos lid fun Treblinke” (The Poem of Treblinka), a poem attributed to author Shmerke Kaczerginski, who later published a book entitled Lider fun di getos un lagern (Poems of the Ghetto and the Camps) with Pat’s assistance. 33 33 Pat to Kaczerginski, 12 January and 4 February, 1948, JLC II, B 83 F 8 and 9. Ash un fayer furthermore falls within the framework of editor Mark Turkow’s series Dos poylishe yidntum, which included three other travel accounts to postwar Poland by other authors. 34 34 The two other stories are Barg khurbn (Mountain of Destruction), by Zerubovl and Shmuel Leyb Shneyderman, Tsvishn shrek un hofenung (Between Terror and Hope), published in 1946 and 1947. In one of these, Poyln 1946: ayndrukn fun a rayze (Poland 1946, Impressions of a Journey), the author Henry Shoshkes traveled alongside Pat for part of the trip towards Bialystok, the village of their birth. In his narrative, Shoshkes recounts that they were joined by Marek Edelman, the young Bundist leader of the Warsaw ghetto uprising, on several occasions during Pat’s trip. 35 35 Henry Shoshkes, Poyln 1946: ayndrukn fun a rayze (Buenos Aires: Tsentral-farband fun poylishe yidn, coll. “Dos poylishe yidntum” 8, 1946), 112-120. At one of these encounters, Edelman gave Pat a journal written in Polish in 1944 by a thirteen-year-old child named Henekh, from which emerged Pat’s second postwar book. 36 36 On Pat’s postwar relationship with Marek Edelman, see Constance Pâris de Bollardière, “Entraide, mémoires et migrations dans le monde yiddish. Une lettre de Yankev Pat à Marek Edelman, 8 octobre 1946,” Tsafon. Revue d’études juives du Nord 76 (2018): 157-168.

In the pages of the small notebook, Henekh had written of his daily life in the Warsaw ghetto, his escape to the Polish countryside and to the ‘Aryan’ side of Warsaw, his return to the ghetto, his participation in the Warsaw ghetto uprising, and his escape during the final days of battle. He wrote his eyewitness account while hidden in a small house in the surrounding area of Warsaw but died during liberation. 37 37 The translator from Yiddish Frank Beer will publish an annotated publication of Yankev Pat’s Henekh into German in 2024 with the publishing house Metropol. As soon as Pat read the first pages of Henekh’s manuscript, he realized he was holding a ‘treasure’ in his hands: a rare account of one Jewish child from among the hundreds of thousands who were assassinated. According to Pat, “Henekh miraculously survived [until the liberation], as if his mission was to tell his story to the world”. 38 38 Pat, Henekh, 7. Wishing to transmit this testimony to the largest possible audience while ensuring the preservation of its authenticity, he spent some time reflecting on the most appropriate format to present the piece: “Should I transcribe the ‘little treasure’ word by word, leaving a document for future researchers, psychologists and historians, or should I instead develop and clarify?”. 39 39 Pat, Henekh, 7, 9. As he was unable to decide on either approach, Pat finally blended both. In Henekh, the boy’s words are interwoven with context and Pat’s comments. Written in two voices, the book is both an original testimonial narrative and an educational text for child readers.

As Henekh quotes a child’s own words, this work shares similarities with contemporary Polish Jewish publications based on children’s testimonies created by authors who were also educators. 40 40 On publications of the testimonies of Jewish children from Poland, see for instance Boaz Cohen, “The Children’s Voice: Postwar Collection of Testimonies from Child Survivors of the Holocaust,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 21, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 73-95; Audrey Kichelewski and Judith Lindenberg, “‘Les enfants accusent’. Témoignages d’enfants survivants dans le monde polonaise et yiddish”, L’Enfant-Shoah, ed. Ivan Jablonka (Paris: PUF, 2014), 33-50 and Janina Hescheles Altman, A travers les yeux d’une fille de douze ans, ed. Judith Lyon-Caen and Livia Parnes (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2016). It also reflects publications of khurbn-literatur in the postwar Yiddish press, which were “grounded in the survivors’ lived experience”, but were “carefully mediated for a non survivor audience”, and provided a “mix of history and emotion” through “true tales of the ghettos and camps that employed modes of enhanced reality such as confessions, autobiographies, memoirs, and diaries”. 41 41 Roskies and Diamant, Holocaust Literature, 104-105, 108. In Yiddish testimonies, “the full range of literary techniques” were employed in order “to recreate the inner experience of Jewish life under Nazi rule”. 42 42 Schwarz, Survivors and Exiles, 74. This sort of literary adaptation of the other’s voice was not new to Pat. He had already used a similar method in his prewar Bundist trilogy, in which fiction was intentionally blended with facts from historical documentation. 43 43 Foreword from the second volume, Oyf kidesh-hashem, 1929. In this prewar work, Pat had moreover already used the personal experiences of Jews that he had collected around Poland, an aspect that remains central as well in Henekh and even more so in Ash un fayer. As Pat’s case illustrates well, the practice of zamlung, in the spirit and work of the interwar YIVO, persisted among Polish Jews during and after the Holocaust. Such was for instance the case of the Oyneg shabes archive led by historian Emanuel Ringelblum in the Warsaw ghetto, or of the postwar Polish Jewish historical commissions in Poland and the DP camps, whose methods and goals Pat shared in his own way. 44 44 Samuel Kassow, Who Will Write our History? Emanuel Ringelblum, the Warsaw Ghetto, and the Oyneg Shabes Archive (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007); Laura Jockusch, Collect and Record! Jewish Holocaust Documentation in Early Postwar Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). By giving voice to many survivors in a single book, Ash un fayer finally embodied a collective, which was another central aspect of the writings of destruction. 45 45 Lindenberg, Premiers savoirs de la Shoah, 15. Also Henekh, in different ways, had a collective dimension involving a chain of actors; for instance, Marek Edelman who handed in the manuscript to Pat, and the editors of the multi-authored book series Dos poylishe yidntum.

From the time of the war until the end of his life, Pat also contributed to the writings of destruction beyond his self-penned publications. He for instance wrote a chapter on “The Miracle of the Revolt” in the Bundist publication Geto in flamen, was in the editorial board of the Lerer yizker-bukh (Yiddish Teachers Memorial Book), wrote the forewords to the book of the historian Michel Borwicz Arishe papirn (Aryan Documents) published in Dos poylishe yidntum, and to the four volumes of the CYCO publication Fun noentn over (Of the Recent Past). Four years after Pat’s death, his contribution to the anthology compiled by Argentinean writer and Holocaust survivor of Polish origin Moyshe Knapheys, Vidershtand un oyfshtand (Resistance and Revolt) was published in the Musterverk (Model Works) collection from Buenos Aires. 46 46 “Der nes fun oyfshtand,” Geto in flamen. Zamlbukh (Ghetto in flames. Anthology) (New York: Der Amerikaner representants fun Bund in Poyln, 1944), 82-95; Lerer yizkher-bukh: di umgekumene lerer fun Tshysho shuln in Poyln (The Teachers’ Book of Remembrance: Teachers from the Schools of of Tsysho, Poland, Exterminated by the Nazis), ed. Chaim Shloyme Kazdan (New York: Komitet tsu fareybikn dem ondenk fun di umgekumene lerer fun di Tshisho shuln in Poyln, 1952-1954); Pinkas Slutsk uvnotea (Chronical of Slutsk and Its Environs) (New York/Tel Aviv: Yizkor Book Committee, 1962); Vidershtand un oyfshtand: antologye, lider, proze, drame (Resistance and Revolt: Anthology, Poems, Prose, Drama), ed. Samuel Rollansky and Moyshe Knapheys (Buenos Aires: Literatur-gezelshaft baym YIVO in Argentine, coll. “Musterverk fun der yidisher literatur” 42, 1970); Michał Borwicz, Arishe papirn (Buenos Aires: Tsentral-farband fun poylishe yidn, coll. “Dos poylishe yidntum” 105-107, 1955); Fun noentn over (New York: CYCO, 4 vol., 1955-1959). On the Musterverk created by Samuel Rollansky, and its goals to transmit Yiddish culture to younger generations, see Malena Chinski and Lucas Fiszman, “‘A biblyotek vos felt’ [A library that is lacking]: Planning and Creating the Book Collection Musterverk fun der yidisher literatur (Buenos Aires, 1957-1984), Journal of Jewish Identities 10, no. 2 (July 2017): 135-153. Pat’s last book, published in 1964, was a text for children also dealing with the genocide, Khaneke, di tokhter fun der lererin Sheyne (Khaneke, the Teacher Sheyne’s Daughter). Inspired by his family history and written in a more personal style, Khaneke sketches a wide picture of the destruction of the Jews of Bialystok. 47 47 Published in Buenos Aires in 1964 by the Yidbukh publishing house, Khaneke appeared after a first novel also published by Yidbukh in Buenos Aires, in 1956, Di lererin Ester. Inspired by his family history, Di lererin Ester portrayed Yiddish schools in Poland before the war. Always guided by his desire to transmit Yiddish cultural themes to younger generations, he felt an urgent need to educate and transmit Jewish history to “all Jewish children” and especially to his grandson at the moment of his bar mitzvah. Due to the imperative of transmission, Pat was able to write in Khaneke what had been for many years impossible for him to formulate in an adult-style version. 48 48 Pat, Khaneke, 9-10; Patt, In gerangl, 488.

His desire to speak to “all Jewish children” necessarily led to the question of translation of his works. During the JLC National Convention of 1947, Yankev Pat indeed declared his desire to extend the knowledge and research about the Holocaust beyond Yiddish speakers and the Jewish world. 49 49 “Vegn a velt konferents far yidisher kultur”, JLC National Convention in January 1947, Jewish Labor Committee Archives, New York University, Tamiment Library, Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, Part I, WAG.025.001 (now JLC 1), box 2, file 14. Did Yankev Pat try to make his own texts, which were praised by Yiddish intellectuals, available to a larger, non-Yiddish-speaking audience? 50 50 On the positive reviews of Ash un fayer by Yiddish linguist and YIVO member Yudl Mark, as well as by the editor of the Forverts Abraham Cahan, see Jack Kugelmass, “Sifting the Ruins: Emigre Jewish Journalists’ Return Visits to the Old Country, 1946-1948”, David W. Belin Lecture in American Jewish Affairs, vol. 23 (2013), University of Michigan Library, footnote 103, fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/7m01bp153. It seems that Pat most likely would have been in favor of publishing his works in other languages. Ash un fayer and Henekh were indeed translated a short time after their original Yiddish publication. The former was translated into English in 1947, and the latter into Spanish in 1950 and in Hebrew in 1974. 51 51 On the English translation of Ash un fayer and other Yiddish books on the Holocaust in the 1940s, see Zoë Vania Waxman, Writing the Holocaust: Identity, Testimony, Representation (Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 103. Pat’s translations in book form are: Jacob Pat, Ashes and Fire (New York: International Universities Press, 1947); Un niño judio salió del ghetto (Buenos Aires: Siglo Veinte, 1950), translated into Spanish by Elias Singer; Henekh (Tel Aviv: Y. L. Peretz, 1974), translated into Hebrew by Moshe Erem. According to anthropologist Jack Kugelmass’ study of travels of Jewish journalists to postwar Poland, “the fact that the book was immediately translated into English […] tells us something about its relevance and impact well beyond the circles of first-generation Jewish immigrants.” 52 52 Kugelmass, “Sifting the Ruins.” An exchange between Pat and the American publisher of the English version of Ash un fayer, Abraham Kahn, shows, nonetheless, that the question of writing about the genocide in a language other than Yiddish was not a given for this author. The following letter, written in English, reveals that Pat received several requests to publish it in translation from the “language of the ghettos” to the “language of the world.” 53 53 Yankev Pat to Pr. Kahn, 14 November 1947, Edward S. Goldstein Archives, New York University, Tamiment Library, Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, WAG.232 (now ESG), box 4, file 19. On Pat’s other efforts to communicate on the Holocaust to English speaking audiences, see also presentations of the JLC’s 1945 exhibition “Heroes and Martyrs of the Ghettos,” in Patt, The Jewish Heroes of Warsaw, 272-273 and Collomp, Rescue, Relief, and Resistance, 228. Even if Pat felt that he “must bring their message to the world steeped in a conspiracy of silence,” he did not, at first, “lend” “encouragement” to Abraham Kahn’s determination to “bring out this book”:

I felt that the world wishes to forget the millions dead, I did not believe that there were enough people who were interested in books dealing with Jewish themes, I had the feeling that the “conspiracy of silence” arising from our two-thousand years-ol [sic] history, will not be broken. There is no reproach in this, nor complain but a heart-rending pity. At the time I knew how the people in the camps were reading “Ashes and Fire,” how it was received by the miraculously survived – but all this has little bearing on the “Ashes and Fire” that is appearing in English.

Despite his skepticism, Pat told Kahn he had “never been in such a state of trepidation over any work of [his] as now, over ‘Ashes and Fire’,” and expressed his desire “to see the book’s message reach the widest circles, so that the heroism of the ghettos, the sounds of the chants its martyrs intoned on their way to the gas chambers should find an echo in human hearts, and the yearnings and aspirations with which millions went to their death, should stir humanity”. 54 54 Pat to Kahn. Ashes and Fire came out in November 1947 at the International Universities Press, in a shorter version which did not include the quotations from survivors and authors that introduced all his chapters in the Yiddish text, nor the pictures. While it was being released, Pat wrote to the editor of the Jewish American magazine Commentary, Elliot Cohen, in hopes he would publish a few excerpts of the forthcoming translated version. 55 55 Yankev Pat to Elliot Cohen, 4 August 1947, ESG, box 4, file 19. A positive review appeared in that same journal in July 1948, in which journalist Hal Lehrman argued that Ashes and Fire “will endure as a documentary monument to the murdered Jews of Poland and to those who emerged alive” and “deserves to endure also as a classic in the universal literature of martyrdom”. 56 56 “The Quick and the Dead,” commentary.org/articles/hal-lehrman/ashes-and-fire-by-jacob-pat/ Lastly, Pat’s book in English, in addition to raising awareness about the fate of surviving Jews, served in practical terms for fundraising purposes, promoting Pat’s projects for the reconstruction of Jewish life in Europe. Ashes and Fire was indeed sent to one hundred employees of the ILGWU (International Ladies Garment Workers’ Union), a labor union that was one of the main providers of funds for the JLC’s relief activities in Europe. 57 57 Hannah Haskel to Yankev Pat, non-dated list of 100 “names to whom you wish to forward a copy of your book along with the compliments of President Dubinsky,” David Dubinsky’s Records, Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library, 5780/002, box 50, file 2a. Once more, the writings of destruction connected memorial commitments with the work of material and cultural reconstruction. 58 58 All the benefits of the sales of Dos poylishe yidntum were, for instance, directed to aid Holocaust survivors in Europe, sometimes more specifically Yiddish authors and artists, see Chinski, “Un catálogo en memoria del judaísmo polaco,” 226.

A Supporter of the non-Communist Network of Yiddish Writers: The Case of Paris

Pat’s involvement in the JLC’s reconstruction actions in postwar Europe left traces in a dense correspondence corpus, which enables us to grasp some of the social and political dimensions surrounding the production of the writings of destruction in a period of intense displacement and political turmoil. By zooming on a specific place and time, we can illustrate how Pat’s profile and postwar concerns were materializing on the ground. In this section, we will focus on the case of Paris from late 1944 to the end of 1948, a time when the French capital became an important hub of postwar Jewish migrations. 59 59 On early postwar Jewish migrations to Paris, see Constance Pâris de Bollardière and Simon Perego, “Les migrations juives d’Europe centrale et orientale en France au lendemain de la Shoah. Introduction”, Archives Juives. Revue d’histoire des Juifs de France 54 no. 1 (2021), 4-24 and the articles by Laure Fourtage and Jérémy Guedj in the same volume. Throughout these years, Pat corresponded regularly with surviving Jewish refugees who had recently left Poland. Among them were Yiddish writers and intellectuals, themselves authors of writings of destruction, to whom the JLC provided financial and material support, including Avrom Sutzkever, Shmerke Kaczerginski, Chaim Grade, Yoysef Rubinshteyn, Moyshe Grosman, Avrom Zak, Rivke Kvyatkovska, Leyb Rokhman, and others who were lodged or worked together in a building located at 9 rue Guy-Patin in the tenth district of Paris. 60 60 On the migration of Jewish writers and intellectuals more specifically, see David Roskies, “What is Holocaust Literature?,” Studies in Contemporary Jewry, 21 (2005), 157-213 ; Aurélia Kalisky and Judith Lyon-Caen, “L’un part, l’autre reste… Itinéraires parisiens de deux Historiens survivants de la Shoah (1947-1953),” Archives Juives. Revue d’histoire des Juifs de France 54 no. 1 (2021), 89-115; and Malena Chinski and Constance Pâris de Bollardière, “A Yiddish Artistic and Intellectual Home for Migrating Holocaust Survivors, 9 rue Guy-Patin, Paris (1947-1950),” in After the Darkness? Holocaust Survivors’ Emotional, Psychological and Social Journeys in the Early Postwar Period, ed. Constance Pâris de Bollardière and Sharon Kangisser Cohen (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2023), forthcoming. Displaced and in straitened circumstances, these authors received material assistance from the Americas, allowing them to survive and continue producing works which contributed to both personal and collective reconstruction. One of the sources of American aid came from the Y. L. Peretz Yiddish Writers’ Union, which transmitted monthly or one-off stipends through the JLC channels. In addition, the JLC occasionally transferred funds coming from other cities’ and countries’ donations. 61 61 More generally, the main source of American financial aid to Jewish life in France came from the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, which, unlike the JLC, was involved in activities beyond the Yiddish and Socialist spheres. See Laura Hobson Faure, A “Jewish Marshall Plan.” The American Jewish Presence in Post-Holocaust France (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2022). In September 1947, Pat for instance transferred money sent from Buenos Aires by Mark Turkow to writers in Paris who were contributing to the collection Dos poylishe yidntum, among whom were Mordechai Shtrigler, Yoysef Hirshhoyt, Noé Grüss, Chaim Grade, and Shmerke Kaczerginski. 62 62 Mark Turkow to the JLC, 9 September 1947, Pat to Schrager, 29 September 1947, JLC I, box 33, file 1. Such collaboration highlights the proximity and cultural solidarity between dispersed non-communist Yiddish-speaking Polish Jews. Moreover, Pat published Henekh in Dos poylishe yidntum, Turkow promoted the Kultur-kongres in South America, and the JLC purchased one thousand dollars’ worth of books from Turkow’s collection to be sent to libraries in Europe. 63 63 JLC Administrative Committee, 15 July 1947, JLC I, box 1, file 11.

In addition to funding individual writers, the JLC and Pat also participated in financing works of collective documentation and historical research on the genocide. In particular, it made monthly contributions to the Forshung-tsenter far geshikhte fun poylishe yidn (Center for the Study of the History of Polish Jews) created in Paris in 1947 by Michel Borwicz and Joseph Wulf, two previous members of the Krakow branch of the Central Jewish Historical Commission in Poland, with the goal to preserve archives, testimonies, and photographs of prewar and wartime Europe. As a result of its work, it published a multilingual volume in French, Yiddish, English, Hebrew, Polish, and Spanish entitled 1000 years of Jewish life in Poland in 1955, a newspaper in Yiddish, Problemen, between 1949 and 1950, as well as a brochure in French, À l’échelle inhumaine (On the Inhumane Scale) in 1950. 64 64 Malena Chinski, “A New Address for Holocaust Research: Michel Borwicz and Joseph Wulf in Paris, 1947-1951,” in Places, Spaces, and Voids in the Holocaust (European Holocaust Studies, vol. 3), ed Natalia Aleksiun and Hana Kubatova (Göttingen, Wallstein Verlag, 2021) 189-217; Kalisky and Lyon-Caen, “L’un part, l’autre reste…” The question of translation was thus posed in this French-speaking context, where Yankev Pat supported disseminating works on destruction in languages other than Yiddish. But the desire to make such works available also went beyond the Yiddish-speaking Polish-Jewish world. Such was the case of the JLC’s contribution to the funding of the Centre de documentation juive contemporaine (Center for Contemporary Jewish Documentation - CDJC), in which were active men from immigrant Jewish backgrounds to its founder, Isaac Schneersohn, but published almost exclusively in French. Created in Grenoble in 1943, the CDJC collected and preserved documents initially intended to provide Jews seeking to reestablish their rights after the war with appropriate resources. It further sought to develop and transmit the memory of the persecution and status of Jews during the Occupation. 65 65 On the CDJC, see Laura Jockusch, Collect and Record!, 50-83; Simon Perego, “Du CDJC au Centre de documentation du Mémorial de la Shoah, 1943-2013: documenter le génocide des Juifs d’Europe,” Histoire@Politique. Politique, culture, société, 22 (January-April 2014) (online, www.histoire-politique.fr) and Renée Poznanski, “La création du centre de documentation juive contemporaine en France (avril 1943),” Vingtième Siècle. Revue d’histoire, no. 63 (July-September 1999): 51-63. Was Pat’s initiative to finance the CDJC related to the fact that Schneersohn told him of his project to translate various works into Yiddish? Although Pat never elaborated on the subject, by 1948 when the JLC stopped donating to the CDJC, it had not published a single book in Yiddish. The end of the JLC’s support was however far more likely due to the fact that the CDJC was by then receiving other sources of financing. The essentially French-speaking scope of the cultural work of the CDJC does not seem, therefore, to have been an issue for the JLC. 66 66 Schrager to the JLC, 8 July 1947, JLC, I, B 32 F 25; Schneersohn to Pat, 6 October 1947, JLC, I, box 33, file 2.

In addition to financial matters, correspondence between Pat and the writers in Paris also discussed preparations for the official opening of the Kultur-kongres, clearly depicting the political climate of the global Yiddish-speaking world at the time. 67 67 On these topics, see Constance Pâris de Bollardière, “The Jewish Labor Committee’s support of Yiddish culture in early post-Holocaust France, 1945-1948,” Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 20, n° 2 (2021): 196-221. To quote scholars David Roskies and Naomi Diamant, during the early postwar period, the “landscape” was indeed “fiercely divided between East and West, Left and Right. Whoever tried to stake out a space for themselves on the memory map for the future was forced to take sides”. 68 68 Roskies and Diamant, Holocaust Literature, 10. In the correspondence between New York and Paris, discussion about anti-Communist sentiment vastly surpassed topics about Yiddish culture during the period of preparation for the opening. At the forefront, Pat and the other founders of the Kultur-kongres excluded communist and religious organizations from their cultural project. 69 69 Minutes from the Congress for Jewish Culture, 29 October 1947. For Pat, the primary objective by early 1948 was first and foremost to convince Zionists and non-affiliated individuals to participate in the Kultur-kongres even though many blamed the organization for wanting to split the Yiddish diaspora into two camps. Many authors with ties to the JLC did nevertheless participate so as to not miss an important cultural event and, probably, to remain on good terms with the American organizations that assisted them. The Zionists from the Linke Poale Zion 70 70 Left wing of the Zionist worker’s party Poale Zion. in France, who received assistance from the JLC, were for instance particularity divided as to whether to participate in the JLC’s cultural project or in a Communist-leaning cultural event organized in Paris by the rival Yidisher kultur-farband (Jewish Cultural Union - YKUF) in July 1948, but finally decided to attend both events. 71 71Undzer vort [Our Words] 18 February 1948, 2; Oyfsnay (Afresh), May-June 1948, 3. On his side, Mark Turkow encouraged participation in the Kultur-kongres, which he claimed was popular in Argentina. 72 72 JLC Administration Committee, 15 July 1947, JLC I, box 1, file 11. As Pat’s letters suggest, hesitation to support the Kultur-kongres seems to have been common within the Yiddish world. But perhaps this hesitation was not as strictly tied to the debate over Communism as the JLC’s correspondence suggests. According to historian Tamar Lewinsky, in the Displaced Persons’ camps, the closeness of Yiddish culture to the Hebrew language and to Israel was emphasized, and the Kultur-kongres was criticized precisely for not highlighting this aspect. 73 73 Tamar Lewinsky, Displaced Poets: Jiddische Schriftsteller im Nachkriegsdeutschland, 1945-1951 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008), 189-192. In the end, sixteen delegates from France attended the September 1948 founding conference in New York. Among them were literary figures Michał Borwicz, Joseph Wulf, Nokhum Bomze, Shmerke Kaczerginski, Moyshe Grosman, Yoysef Rubinshteyn, Mordechai Shtrigler, and Chaim Grade.

Finally, Pat took part in the discussions concerning the future ‘address’ for Yiddish culture, as the writers residing temporarily in Paris shared with him their concerns on this matter. For example, Avrom Zak, who arrived in Paris in August 1948, asked Pat for help to leave only one month after his arrival. He admitted being unable to stay in Paris with his own resources and refused to live off the financial aid given by organizations. Preferring to settle in New York, Canada, or Buenos Aires, he also considered going to Israel, although he wondered if Yiddish literature would find its voice there. Zak hoped the Kultur-kongres would bring answers to all these important questions. 74 74 Zak to Pat, 12 September 1948, JLC II, box 83, file 16. On Avrom Zak, see Arnaud Bikard, “L’écrivain yiddish Avrom Zak, un témoin mineur ? Le récit exemplaire d’un réfugié juif en Union Soviétique lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale,” in Premiers savoirs de la Shoah, ed. Lindenberg, 91-112. It was only in the early 1950s that geographic stability was finally ensured. At that time, the French capital, although still a European center for Yiddish culture, did not remain as influential as some had earlier hoped. In 1952, Avrom Zak finally left for Buenos Aires, a city which remained a hub for Yiddish culture after the war, and where he joined Shmerke Kaczerginski, settled in Argentina since 1950. Among other writers in contact with the JLC, Avrom Sutzkever and Noé Grüss 75 75 Noé Grüss returned to live in Paris in 1952, where he became a teacher and then director of the Hebrew and Yiddish department at the Bibliothèque Nationale. left for Palestine in 1947 and Rivke Kvyatkovska, Moyshe Grosman, and Leyb Rokhman left for Israel in 1949 and 1959 respectively, where, despite a political context hostile to the daily use of Yiddish, a rich literary scene flourished around the new magazine Di goldene keyt (The Golden Chain). New York remained the primary center for Yiddish publishers and Yoysef Rubinshteyn, Nokhum Bomze, and Chaim Grade settled there in 1948, after the 1948 meeting of the Kultur-kongres. 76 76 On Yiddish cultural centers after the war, see Zachary M. Baker, “Yiddish Publishing after 1945: A Brief Overview,” in Yiddish after the Holocaust, ed. Joseph Sherman (Oxford: Boulevard Books, 2004), 60-73. On New York and Buenos Aires as hubs for Yiddish culture after the war, see Schwarz, Survivors and Exiles and Malena Chinski, “Yiddish Culture After the Shoah: Refugee Writers and Artists as ‘Fresh Creative Energies’ for Buenos Aires,” in Splendor, Decline, and Rediscovery of Yiddish in Latin America, ed. Malena Chinski and Alan Astro (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2018), 42-68. For Yiddish language and culture in Israel, see Rachel Rojanski, Yiddish in Israel: A History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2020). After an attempt to emigrate to the United States, Michel Borwicz remained in Paris, where he became an independent historian.

***

As demonstrated above, Pat’s body of writing was deeply linked to his communal work after the Holocaust: through his writing he raised funds to support his JLC work to reconstruct Jewish life in Europe, and his writing in turn documented reconstruction and posed questions about the future of Yiddish, inspired and informed by his role as a cultural activist, which made him well-connected to other Polish Jewish refugee authors in need with whom he shared literary, cultural, social and political concerns. Pat’s efforts towards the future of Yiddish continued until the 1960s, through his educational activities, his work for the Kultur-kongres and the JLC, and his 1954 book Shmuesn mit yidishe shrayber (Conversations with Yiddish writers). In this publication, Pat once again conveyed the voice of others, this time through of a series of conversations conducted with Yiddish writers in the USA, about their literary work and the present and future status of Jewish life and the Yiddish language in the United States and the world. 77 77Shmuesn mit yidishe shrayber (Conversations with Jewish Writers) was also translated into Hebrew that same year as Sihot im sofrim yehudim (Tel Aviv: Y. L. Peretz, 1954). One of his last published books questioned the future of Jewish life and Yiddish in a new direction. Indeed, six years after the aforementioned volume, in Shmuesn mit shrayber in Yisroel (Conversations with writers in Israel), Pat published discussions he had conducted in Israel with Hebrew writers and translators of Yiddish into Hebrew, regarding their work and inspiration, past and present Jewish life, their attitudes towards the Jewish diaspora, and the connections between Yiddish and Hebrew literature and languages. 78 78Shmuesn mit yidishe shrayber (New York: self-published, 1954); Shmuesn mit shrayber in Yisroel (New York: Der kval, 1960).
It is my hope that this reference article will serve as a starting point for those who wish to write about Pat and his work.

MLA STYLE
Pâris de Bollardière, Constance. “Writings of Destruction and Reconstruction in the Polish-Jewish Diaspora: The Case of Yankev (Jacob) Pat, Yiddish Author, Educator and Activist.” In geveb, March 2024: https://ingeveb.org/pedagogy/yankev-pat.
CHICAGO STYLE
Pâris de Bollardière, Constance. “Writings of Destruction and Reconstruction in the Polish-Jewish Diaspora: The Case of Yankev (Jacob) Pat, Yiddish Author, Educator and Activist.” In geveb (March 2024): Accessed May 15, 2025.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Constance Pâris de Bollardière

Constance Pâris de Bollardière is the Assistant Director of the George and Irina Schaeffer Center for the Study of Genocide, Human Rights and Confliction Prevention at The American University of Paris.